PDF Contesting Patriotism: Culture, Power, and Strategy in the Peace Movement

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Gregory M. Maney is associate professor of sociology at Hofstra University. It is a page serving of some much needed analysis of the modern American peace movement, more specifically, how it has managed to play an important role in balancing the popular discourse about war and patriotism. It is a work of great significance in an area of research that, as the authors themselves point out, has been neglected for far too long.

The authors here make a valuable contribution to the study of how peace and justice movements grapple with these important questions. In the process, they also show it is time for the universities to devote more resources to conflict resolution studies. That's why the peace movement has hungered of late for an informed, analytic framework to assess where we are and where we go next.

Patrick G. Coy - Google Scholar Citations

Woehrle, Coy and Maney provide rich, deep, but fully accessible research that will sharpen our focus, increase our effectiveness, and provoke our community to "smart growth" through self-reflection. This is a very timely gift. It will give us direction with its GPS-like utility, and it offers encouragement in its C.

Wright Mills-like sensibility for social change as a legitimate expression of patriotism. But the wars-and the worries-persist. What should we do? And how?

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Contesting Patriotism gives us a language to talk about our dilemmas. In it, Lynne Woehrle, Pat Coy, and Greg Maney describe the rhetoric used by peace organizations and then give us real solutions as we look to the future. Contesting Patriotism is an academic book, complete with an page bibliography, but it's written by professors who are themselves activists and is eminently readable. It's a must-read for anyone who wants to move from wailing about strategy to truly working for peace..

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This carefully reasoned and richly researched book provides a set of tools to help reshape the discourse about who speaks for America in matters of war and peace. This timely book is vitally important for all who seek new ways to turn this country away from the catastrophic policies that, in the name of patriotism, have deeply harmed Americans' interests at home and abroad. Barlow, U.

Berkeley and Diablo Valley College; author of Between Fear and Hope: Globalization and Race in the United States We wring our hands about the culture of violence that pervades our nation, and some of us expend enormous energy trying to change our country's rhetoric from one of war to one of peace. It's a "must-read" for anyone who wants to move from wailing about strategy to truly working for peace.

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  • Contesting Patriotism: Culture, Power, and Strategy in the Peace Movement?

Woehrle, Coy, and Maney provide rich, deep, but fully accessible research that will sharpen our focus, increase our effectiveness, and provoke our community to great coherence through self-reflection and cross-movement dialogue. The authors combed through a great deal of peace group arguments and isolated the strongest persuasive writing, contextualized it, and compared contexts. The study is well-structured and progresses logically…. It is an ideal book for postgraduate students….

The first mass peace movements in history were the Peace of God Pax Dei , being first proclaimed in AD at the Council of Charroux, and the Truce of God evolving out of it and being first proclaimed in The Peace of God originated as a response to increasing violence against monasteries in the aftermath of the fall of the Carolingian dynasty, spearheaded by bishops and "was promoted at a number of subsequent [church] councils, including important ones at Charroux c. The Truce of God sought to restrain violence by limiting the number of days of the week and times of the year where the nobility were able to practice violence.

These peace movements "set the foundations for modern European peace movements. Beginning in the 16th century, the Protestant Reformation gave rise to a variety of new Christian sects, including the historic peace churches. The Quakers were prominent advocates of pacifism, who as early as had repudiated violence in all forms and adhered to a strictly pacifist interpretation of Christianity. The 18th-century peace movements were products of two strands of thought that coalesced at the end of the 18th century. One, rooted in the secular Enlightenment , promoted peace as the rational antidote to the world's ills, while the other was a part of the evangelical religious revival that had played an important part in the campaign for the abolition of slavery.

Representative of the latter, was William Wilberforce who thought that strict limits should be imposed on British involvement in the French Revolutionary War based on Christian ideals of peace and brotherhood. During the period of the Napoleonic Wars , although no formal peace movement was established until the end of hostilities, a significant peace movement animated by universalist ideals did emerge, due to the perception of Britain fighting in a reactionary role and the increasingly visible impact of the war on the welfare of the nation in the form of higher taxation levels and high casualty rates.

Sixteen peace petitions to Parliament were signed by members of the public, anti-war and anti- Pitt demonstrations convened and peace literature was widely published and disseminated. The first peace movements appeared in — It became an active organization, holding regular weekly meetings, and producing literature which was spread as far as Gibraltar and Malta , describing the horrors of war and advocating pacificism on Christian grounds.

In the s, British women formed "Olive Leaf Circles", groups of around 15 to 20 women, to discuss and promote pacifist ideas. The peace movement began to grow in influence by the mid nineteenth century. Richard became the secretary of the Peace Society in on a full-time basis, a position which he would keep for the next 40 years, earning himself a reputation as the 'Apostle of Peace'.

He helped secure one of the earliest victories for the peace movement by securing a commitment from the Great Powers in the Treaty of Paris at the end of the Crimean War , in favour of arbitration. On the European continent, wracked by social upheaval , the first peace congress was held in Brussels in followed by Paris a year later.

After experiencing a recession in support due to the resurgence of militarism during the American Civil War and Crimean War , the movement began to spread across Europe and began to infiltrate the new working class socialist movements. Mahatma Gandhi — of India was one of the most influential spokesman for peace and non-violence in the 20th century.

Gandhism comprises the ideas and principles Gandhi promoted. Of central importance is nonviolent resistance. Sankhdher argues that Gandhism is not a systematic position in metaphysics or in political philosophy.

Pathways for Peace: Inclusive Approaches to Preventing Violent Conflict

Rather, it is a political creed, an economic doctrine, a religious outlook, a moral precept, and especially, a humanitarian world view. It is an effort not to systematize wisdom but to transform society and is based on an undying faith in the goodness of human nature. In Tolstoy wrote A Letter to a Hindu , which said that only by using love as a weapon through passive resistance could the Indian people overthrow colonial rule.

In , Gandhi and Tolstoy began a correspondence regarding practical and theological applications of non-violence. However, they differed sharply on political strategy. Gandhi called for political involvement; he was a nationalist and was prepared to use nonviolent force. He was also willing to compromise. Gandhi was the first to apply the principle of nonviolence on a large scale. Gandhi explains his philosophy and way of life in his autobiography The Story of My Experiments with Truth. Some of his other remarks were widely quoted, such as "There are many causes that I am prepared to die for but no causes that I am prepared to kill for.

Gandhi realized later that this level of nonviolence required incredible faith and courage, which he believed everyone did not possess. He therefore advised that everyone need not keep to nonviolence, especially if it were used as a cover for cowardice, saying, "where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise violence. Gandhi came under political fire for his criticism of those who attempted to achieve independence through more violent means.

Gandhi responded, "There was a time when people listened to me because I showed them how to give fight to the British without arms when they had no arms [ Gandhi's views came under heavy criticism in Britain when it was under attack from Nazi Germany. He told the British people in , "I would like you to lay down the arms you have as being useless for saving you or humanity.

You will invite Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini to take what they want of the countries you call your possessions If these gentlemen choose to occupy your homes, you will vacate them. If they do not give you free passage out, you will allow yourselves, man, woman, and child, to be slaughtered, but you will refuse to owe allegiance to them. Although the onset of the First World War was generally greeted with enthusiastic patriotism across Europe, peace groups were still active in condemning the war.

Contesting Patriotism

Many socialist groups and movements were antimilitarist , arguing that war by its nature was a type of governmental coercion of the working class for the benefit of capitalist elites. In the League of Nations Society was formed by British liberal leaders to promote a strong international organisation that could enforce the peaceful resolution of conflict.

Later that year the League to Enforce Peace was established in America to promote similar goals. It called for an international organization to agree upon the arbitration of disputes and to guarantee the territorial integrity of its members by maintaining military forces sufficient to defeat those of any non-member. The ensuing debate among prominent internationalists modified Holt's plan to align it more closely with proposals offered in Great Britain by Viscount James Bryce , a former ambassador from the UK to the US.

The immense loss of life during the war, for what became regarded as futile reasons, caused a sea-change in public attitudes to militarism. The League of Nations also convened several disarmament conferences in the inter-war period such as the Geneva Conference. Pacifism and revulsion with war were very popular sentiments in s Britain.

A stream of novels and poems on the theme of the futility of war and the slaughter of the youth by old fools were published, including, Death of a Hero by Richard Aldington , Erich Remarque 's translated All Quiet on the Western Front and Beverley Nichols 's expose, Cry Havoc. A debate at the University of Oxford in on the motion 'one must fight for King and country' captured the changed mood when the motion was resoundingly defeated.

Dick Sheppard established the Peace Pledge Union in totally renouncing war and aggression. The idea of collective security was also popular; instead of outright pacifism the public generally exhibited a determination to stand up to aggression, but preferably with the use of economic sanctions and multilateral negotiations.

Shortly after the war ended, Simone Weil , despite having volunteered for service on the republican side, went on to publish The Iliad or the Poem of Force , a work that has been described as a pacifist manifesto. Gregg , devised plans for a campaign of nonviolent resistance in the event of a fascist invasion or takeover. With the start of World War II , pacifist and anti-war sentiment declined in nations affected by war. Even the communist-controlled American Peace Mobilization reversed its anti-war activism once Germany invaded the Soviet Union in After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor , mainstream isolationist groups like the America First Committee , declined, but many smaller religious and socialist groups continued their opposition to war.

Bertrand Russell argued that the necessity of defeating Adolf Hitler and the Nazis was a unique circumstance where war was not the worst of the possible evils; he called his position relative pacifism. Wells , who had joked after the armistice ending World War I that the British had suffered more from the war than they would have from submission to Germany , urged in a large-scale British offensive on the continent of Europe to combat Hitler and Nazism. Pacifists in the Third Reich were dealt with harshly; German pacifist Carl von Ossietzky , [29] and Olaf Kullmann , a Norwegian pacifist active during the Nazi occupation, [30] were both imprisoned in concentration camps and died as a result of their mistreatment there.